GUYANA UNDER SIEGE
 
PPP/C Government Has Dug Its Own Grave
 
  
by Rakesh Rampertab
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PART I: PPP Blunders

Few organizations fail to learn from their mistakes; unfortunately for Guyana, the PPP/C is one of them. With its back to the wall, and the wall unyielding, the embattled PPP/C has nowhere to turn. It now faces a problem—PNC/R terrorism, which was always evident. Instead of confronting that problem earlier, the PPP/C always chose to deny its existence. Whilst the PNC/R regrouped from being this defeated party in 1992 (and a financially poor organization also), to unleash its comeback using the classic race-and-violence tactic, both physical and psychological, the PPP/C continued to hide its head in irrelevant “class” politics. 

Today, the PPP/C is caught wholly unprepared to handle the problem it always refused to admit (until recently) – PNC/R terrorism.

Since taking office in 1992, the PPP/C has committed a number of major blunders.

Blunder #1: The PPP/C did not learn that DESPITE its ability to sit back and win elections because of mere numbers of Indian votes (e.g., 52% PPP/C to 43% PNC/R in 2001 elections), its tenure in office would NEVER succeed without substantial Black support. The PPP/C therefore failed to accommodate all anti-PNC forces, especially that section of the Black population that had the courage to challenge Burnham and the PNC (during the last decade of PNC rule), in a National Front Government.

By failing to work with anti-PNC/R forces, the PPP/C allowed the PNC/R to rise from the ashes. It even accelerated this PNC/R rebirth by:

(a) refusing to hold independent investigations into allegations of Police extra-judicial killings (primarily of Blacks)

(b) its failure to stem rampant corruption, which the PNC/R skillfully used to further demonize Indians, in the eyes of PNC/R supporters. This made it easier for PNC supporters (anti-government demonstrators, whatever) to beat up and rob Indians while the PPP/C officials remained safely in their offices.

The PPP/C  has been digging its own grave!

Blunder #2: The PPP/C failed to recognize that for it to survive renewed PNC/R terrorism (a certainty), it HAD to purge and revive the state apparatus of the remnants of the PNC dictatorship; disciplined services, judicial system, media and, of course, state enterprises and the Public Service. To undertake such a purge/revival successfully (and without being charged of racial discrimination), the PPP/C needed the support and cooperation of the aforementioned anti-PNC/R forces. But it never ventured in this direction, so not only did the anti-PNC forces now envied the new PPP/C regime, the old PNC dictatorship state apparatus remained relatively intact. In fact, the PPP/C was so asinine as to retain as Commissioner of Police, the same Laurie Lewis who, in 1978, issued GDF assault weapons to PNC/YSM supporters and House of Israel members. (When Mr. Lewis resigned recently, it was because of PNC/R pressure.)

Instead of putting the final nail on the coffin of the PNC/R, the PPP/C was slamming the hammer on its own!

Blunder #3: The PPP/C failed to heed its own call to form and support strong and effective Community Policing Groups. This was the only way of protecting PPP/C supporters from criminality, and PNC-orchestrated violence and terrorism. It was the only way of offering a small resistance against the PNC/R's reliance on the imbalance in the disciplined services (which are mostly Black-oriented, and PNC voters). Even before the Mash jailbreak, crime was already sending many families, primarily of PPP/C supporters (i.e., Indians) on frequent trips to the cremation and burial grounds.

Blunder #4: It never administered political power, as it ought to, in critical confrontations with its old archenemy. In 1997, it agreed to the CARICOM-sponsored Herdmanston Accord, which erroneously said that the PPP/C victory was good for 3 years (instead of the usual 5). Even CARICOM came out one year later and disclosed that it was unjust to the PPP/C! The PPP/C accepted new elections after 3 years!

In 2001, four weeks after winning a 52% majority electoral mandate, this PPP/C regime agreed to a “Dialogue” with the PNC/R. It said that it would not negotiate under threat of violence, but it did exactly that. (What was the purpose of the voting?) In this dialogue, the PNC/R brought 17 issues to the table. (Today, the President cannot act on many critical issues without consent from the Opposition leader.) Absurdly, President Jagdeo agreed to all issues! (Can we imagine Burnham or Hoyte in government doing this?) How many did President Jagdeo bring for his 220,000 vote-supporters? None.

Blunder #5: The PPP/C never created or implemented any program to revive the psychological battering that its supporters endured during 28 years of PNC rule, which encouraged race bullyism and race harassment by ordinary Blacks against Indian. Even if the PPP/C wanted to fight back, not necessarily physically, but mentally, in the press, in the day-to-day understanding of what is happening, to put up resistance to PNC/R propaganda and to refuse that by the PPP/C, its supporters are unprepared. This is evident, for example, in the subtle, strong criticism for the PPP/C—for many Indians, it seems as if this party was god-sent, and to criticize it, was to speak blasphemy.

The great tragedy unfolding today is not about the PPP/C, but about the entire Guyanese nation, and especially the deceived PPP/C supporters—the people who will eventually pay the real price soon to come. When they continue to be bled and beaten and buried to death, their daughters and wives raped at the hands of bandits, their sons robbed and bullied in school and on the streets, the PPP/C big wigs will return to their ivory towers (well-stocked now), or migrate to their fanciful homes in North America.

Will the PPP/C Hold on to Office? Maybe. Can it retain power? Not likely, for its days are numbered.

PART II: The Way Forward

The President has enormous power. He can declare a state of emergency, prorogue parliament, and rule by decree—if he was Burnham or Hoyte. But this President has not shown such a will, and he certainly has not the way. He can rest assured the disciplined services will not serve him against the PNC/R when (not if) this “crunch” time comes. Even if the disciplined services carried out their constitutional mandate of protecting the elected government, such a course does not offer a solution for Blacks, who comprise 42% of the population and at least 98% of the army.

OR: The PPP/C can continue to make infinite concessions to the PNC/R, but at the end of the day, its tenure would still be precarious, and the country will only mark time. This would most likely result in a PNC/R de facto government at best. (Based on the past in how the PPP/C chose to prolong the PNC government instead of accommodating Walter Rodney—we would not be surprised if the PPP/C choose this way).

OR: The PPP/C can do the right thing and immediately form a National Front Government, inclusive of the WPA-GAP, ROAR, and TUF:

   1) It should treat the WPA-GAP as if it was the bona fide representatives of the Black population.

   2) It must offer the WPA-GAP the Prime Minister position.

   3) It must give both ROAR and the WPA-GAP, but especially the WPA-GAP, substantial cabinet positions, based on a formula that adjusts for our polarized politics (whereby the PPP/C locks in the Indian vote and the PNC/R locks in the Black votes).

   4) The WPA-GAP, ROAR, and TUF must play responsible roles, and not place unnecessary stumbling blocks, in achieving this goal.

   5) The National Front Government MUST publicly confirm they will continue to form another National Front Government after the next scheduled elections,
but based on their actual polling. This will give the Black population the opportunity to safely switch their votes to the WPA-GAP, ensuring their adequate representation in government. This will also give the disciplined services the confidence they need to carry out their constitutional mandate without pressure from the PNC/R.

The formation of a National Front Government is only a political step forward—it will not, merely by its formation, solve our many problems. After its formation, the National Front Government must aggressively tackle certain malaises in our society:

1)        Rebuild and re-equip the Police Force. Support it with strong Community Policing Groups. 

2)        Restore Public Service—establish true service and courtesy.

3)        Establish independent investigation of Police brutality 

4)        Implement a Code of Conduct - with teeth - for political, party, and government officials

5)        Root out corruption everywhere; in the Tender process, Police Force, Customs, Public Service, etc.

6)        Crack down on the drug trade, and other smuggling activities, e.g., in the mining industry

7)        Reform the media, and penalize irresponsible reporting

8)        Treat terrorism, corruption, and irresponsible media reporting as crimes against the nation. Establish special courts, with special powers—institute mandatory jail time and seizure of assets.

9)        Return to the village council system of local government, and follow up this with a return to constituency representation.

10)   Last, but not least, it must formulate an economic regime to attract investments and promote growth. Nothing will work unless there are jobs, jobs, and more jobs.

The Role of PPP/C Supporters:

The role of the PPP/C supporter has always been traditional voting—simply turn up on elections day with an umbrella for the sunshine or rain, and vote. This is not good enough. People must read, think, debate issues, bombard the presses with letters, make consistent complains on TV programs that allows for such opinions to be heard, use any and all avenues to keep the government in check on the “people’s business.”

Only then will they be prepared to be a political force, physically or mentally, against the usual violent politics of the PNC. If something cannot be achieved today, then it may possibly materialize in the future, but not without new efforts. They must learn from the past as well as the current, and make strong efforts to implement measures, socially, ethically, and politically to safeguard their right to vote and their right to live peacefully and in prosperity after voting. 

Finally, they must recognize that criticism of the PPP/C is a duty, and not political blasphemy. If they cannot do this when it’s necessary, they are also betraying their own ballots. Otherwise, they will not be voting for the Cup, but for a Coffin.

June 23, 2002[Reprinted from
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