HILL COOLIES

Brief exposure of the deplorable condition of the Hill Coolies,
in British Guiana and Mauritius, and of the nefarious means by which they were induced to resort to these Colonies

Appendix 1

Copy of letter from John Gladstone, Esq. to Messrs. Gillanders, Arbuthnot & Co.

Liverpool, 4 January 1836

Dear Sirs,

I met with an accident here about three weeks ago, which confined me to the house, from which I am now recovering, and hope in a few days to be able to return to Edinburgh; this will account to you for using my son's pen for writing in place of my own.

I observe by a letter which he received a few days ago from Mr. Arbuthnot, that he was sending a considerable number of a certain class of Bengalees, to be employed as labourers, to the Mauritius. You will probably be aware that we are very particularly situated with our Negro apprentices in the West Indies, and that it is a matter of doubt and uncertainty how far they may be induced to continue their services on the plantations after their apprenticeship expires in 1840. This to us is a subject of great moment and deep interest in the colonies of Demerara and Jamaica. We are therefore most desirous to obtain and introduce labourers from other quarters, and particularly from climates something similar in their nature. Our plantation labour in the field is very light; much of it, particularly in Demerara, is done by task-work, which for the day is usually completed by two o'clock in the afternoon, giving to the people all the rest of the day to themselves.

They are furnished with comfortable dwellings and abundance of food; plantations, the produce of the colony, being the most common, and preferred generally by them; but they have also occasionally rice, Indian corn, meal, ship's biscuits, and a regular supply of salt cod-fish, as well as the power of fishing for themselves in the trenches. They have likewise an annual allowance of clothing sufficient and suitable for the climate; there are schools on each estate for the education of the children, and the instruction of their parents in the knowledge of religious duties.

Their houses are comfortable, and it may be fairly said they pass their time agreeably and happily. Marriages are encouraged, and when improper conduct on the part of the people takes place, there are public stipendiary magistrates who take cognizance of such, and judge between them and their employers. They have regular medical attendance whenever they are indisposed, at the expense of their employers. I have been particular in describing the present situation and occupation of our people, to which I ought to add, that their employment in the field is clearing the land with the hoe, and, where required, planting fresh canes. In the works a portion are occupied in making sugar, and in the distilleries, in which they relieve each other, which makes their labour light. It is of great importance to us to endeavour to provide a portion of other labourers, whom we might use as a set-off, and, when the time for it comes, make us, as far as it is possible, independent of our negro population; and it has occurred to us that a moderate number of Bengalees, such as you were sending to the Isle of France, might be very suitable for our purpose; and on this subject I am now desirous to obtain all the information you can possibly give me. The number I should think of taking and sending by one vessel direct from Calcutta to Demerara would be about 100; they ought to be young, active, able-bodied people. It would be desirable that a portion of them, at least one-half, should be married, and their wives disposed to work in the field as well as they themselves.

We should require to bind them for a period not less than five years or more than seven years. They would be provided with comfortable dwellings, food, and medical assistance; they would also, if required, be provided with clothing, or wages to provide themselves, which, for the able-bodied, would not exceed four dollars per month, and in that proportion for females and their children as they grow up; a free passage would be given to them to Demerara, where they would be divided, and 20 to 30 placed on one plantation. I do not know whether the class referred to are likely to be of a particular caste, and under the influence of certain religious feelings, and also restricted to any particular kind of food; if so, we must endeavor to provide for them accordingly. You will particularly oblige me by giving me, on receipt, all the information you possibly can on this interesting subject; for, should it be of an encouraging character, I should immediately engage for one of our ships to go to Calcutta, and take a limited number to Demerara, and from thence return here. On all other subjects I refer you to letters from the house; and always am,

Dear Sirs, yours truly
John Gladstone.

Since writing so far it has occurred to me, that in bringing Lascars from India security is required that they shall be returned to the country. I do not know whether this would extend to any particular caste being brought to the West Indies, or whether it is applicable in the instance you have mentioned of those sent to the Mauritius. Several importations from the Madeiras and Azores have taken place into Demerara, and so far with good effects on the minds of the blacks.

SOURCE: Parliamentary Papers, LII No. 180, 1837-38. MF41.413-414.

Appendix 2

Copy of letter from Messrs. Gillanders, Arbuthnot & Co. to John Gladstone, Esq.

Calcutta, 6 June 1836.

Dear Sir,

We beg to acknowledge your letter of the 4th January, referring to your desire to procure natives from this part of the world to work upon your estates in the West Indies, and in some degree render you independent of the Negro population at the termination of the present system; and it is with regret that at the time the letter under reply was written you were suffering from an accident, the effects of which, however, we hope ere this are entirely gone.

Within the last two years upwards of 2,000 natives have been sent from this to the Mauritius, by several parties here, under contracts of engagement for five years. The contracts, we believe, are all of a similar nature; and we enclose copy of one, under which we have sent 700 or 800 men to the Mauritius; and we are not aware that any greater difficulty would present itself in sending men to the West Indies, the natives being perfectly ignorant of the place they agree to go to, or the length of the voyage they are undertaking. The tribe that is found to suit best in the Mauritius is from the hills to the north of Calcutta, and the men of which are all well-limbed and active, without prejudices of any kind, and hardly any ideas beyond those of supplying the wants of nature, arising it would appear, however, more from want of opportunity than from any natural deficiency, of which there is no indication in their countenance, which is often one of intelligence. They are also very docile and easily managed, and appear to have no local ties, nor any objection to leave their country.

In the event of your determining to introduce these people in the West Indies and sending a ship for them, a contract such as the one enclosed, if approved of, or modified or enlarged as you may think necessary, may be entered into with any number of men you would wish us to procure, and this contract upon landing the men in the West Indies and being registered at the Police-office, would, we conclude, give your managers sufficient power to insist upon their performing any reasonable task they may be set to. Such has been the case in the Mauritius, and in one or two instances where the men have been idle or lazy, they have been punished by the competent authority. It would perhaps avoid after-discussion were the currency in which the men will be paid, and its equivalent value with the rupee, stated in the contract. The best period for procuring and shipping the men is in our cold season, between the months of November and April, and the instruction to procure the men should precede the ship about two months, to give time to collect them; we should of course not be able to find a cargo for the ship, but some morghy rice might be sent, which with a little care would keep for three years.

The security taken by government here upon taking natives to England is to protect the East India Company from loss in the event of natives being left in England without the means of subsistence or of finding their way back, in which case the Company are bound to provide for them until a passage to India can be procured, but no guarantee is required upon sending men elsewhere; as however the colonial government will probably make the importer enter into an agreement that these men shall be no burden to the colony, a provision is made in the contract to withhold so much of their allowances as will pay their passage back, should it be found necessary to discharge them before their period of service has expired.

We fear we should not find so many as half of the number provided with wives; as, however, our friends at the Isle of France have always discouraged the men being so accompanied, we are not very well able to say how far the women might be induced to go.

Our letters from the Isle of France speak very favourably of the men hitherto sent, many of whom our friends write to us have their task completed by two o'clock, and go home, leaving the Negroes in the field.

We are not aware that we can say any more on this subject, unless we add, that in inducing these men to leave their country, we firmly believe we are breaking no ties of kindred, or in any way acting a cruel part.

The Hill tribes, known by the name of Dhangurs, are looked down upon by the more cunning natives of the plains, and they are always spoken of as more akin to the monkey than the man. They have no religion, no education, and, in their present state, no wants beyond eating, drinking, and sleeping; and to procure which they are willing to labour. In sending men to such a distance, it would of course be necessary to be more particular in selecting them, and some little expense would be incurred, as also some trouble; but to aid any object of interest to you, we should willingly give our best exertions in any manner likely to be of service.

We are, &c.
Gillanders, Arbuthnot & Co.

P.S.-- You will observe, upon reading over the form of our contract, that it is registered in our Police-office, and authenticated by one of the magistrates, in whose presence the document is signed, after the nature of it has been explained to the parties in their own language.

(signed) G., A.& Co.

SOURCE: Parliamentary Papers, LII No.232, 1837-38. MF41.413-14

Appendix 3

Copy Form of Contract

Between the undersigned _______________ acting on behalf of _____________ of Mauritius, and the natives whose names are hereunto affixed, the following agreement has been entered into by the several parties binding themselves to the observance of the conditions thereof:

1. The natives agree to proceed to the Isle of France, to work as labourers there, upon a sugar estate, the property of _________________ and to remain there, if required, for the time of five years.

2. The passage of the natives to the Mauritius shall be paid by ______________who shall also provide a passage again to this country, at the end of five years, for each native who may then wish to return; but if any individual, from any cause, should be discharged or leave the employment of before the expiration of five years, such individual shall have no claim on him for a passage.

3. The pay of the natives shall be fixed at the rate of five rupees per month for each man. The labour required from them will be that of digging holes, weeding canes, working in the sugar-house, repairing roads and bridges, or otherwise making themselves useful, according to their ability, as may order them; the quantity of daily labour required from each to be fixed by the manager of the property; the pay of one sirdar shall be fixed at seven rupees per month, and that of one mate six rupeess, and boys at three rupees per month.

4. As _________________ must be responsible to government that the nativess shall not be a burden to the colony, in the event of their being discharged or leaving their employments, one rupee per month shall be retained from the pay of each individual, until there shall be a sufficient sum to provide a passage for each to Calcutta; should no such contingency take place, the money shall be restored at the end of five years.

5. In addition to the pay as above fixed, food and clothing shall be supplied to each as follows -- Fourteen chettacks of rice (about 2lbs.), two ditto of dholl*, two ounces of salt, and some oil and tamarind, daily; and annually for each, clothing as follows; two dhooties, two blankets, one jacket, and one cap.

6. Each individual shall receive six months pay in advance, for which he shall give an acknowledgement here; their pay to commence from the date of their going on board the ship.

7. The nature of this agreement (which shall be registered at the police) is such, that each native is individually responsible for the observance of its conditions by every one whose mark it bears; and it is further agreed, that while in hospital, from sickness or any other cause, the pay is stopped during such time.

* Something like dried split peas

SOURCE: Parliamentary Papers, LII No. 180, 1837-38. MF41.413-14

Appendix 4

From the British Emancipator of the 9 January 1839

I SEE the British public has been deceived with the idea that the Coolies are doing "well;" such is not the fact; the poor friendless creatures are miserably treated, at least I can speak confidently of plantation Bellvue. On this estate they have made two attempts to escape, as they say, to go to Calcutta. In the first, 22 succeeded by night to cross the river, landing on the opposite shore; they attempted to explore the woods, but after undergoing much fatigue and hunger, they were retaken at the back of plantation Herstelling, and conveyed again to the estate. In the last attempt they were discovered by the watch of the night, and driven back. I saw a gang of them last week in custody of the police, who were taking them to the public buildings; their offence I did not learn. I inquired of Mr. Berkeley, who is a teacher on the place, respecting food; he said they had enough of rice, and I think "fat" or lard. Deaths, he said, more than ten have died on this place, Bellevue, and the manager (Russell) refuses to give a rag of clothes to bury them in. I had one of these Coolies in my own place, who is capable of saying a few words in English; he told me, "Russell no good; Coolie sick salt, salt no more." He was all but naked; and a friend present gave him a few old raiments, which seemed highly to please him. They are paid here with the Company's rupees, five rupees a month. Is not this scandalous? They have been offered by the merchants two bits a piece for them. I do not believe they can get its value in the colony. Ought not the planters to be compelled to give their value in Demerara silver currency? I have also heard that two from Gladstone's estate escaped through the bush, and were captured by Captain Falant, at Fort Island, in the Essequibo River, and brought back to the plantation. Surely these things are far frombeing "well;" the one alluded to above told me, "Calcutta better."

SOURCE: Parliamentary Papers, XXXIX NO. 463, 1839. MF42.266-67

Appendix 5

Copy of Letter from Andrew Colvile, Esq., to the Right Honourable Henry Labouchere.

9, Fenchurch-buildings, 29 July 1839.

My dear Sir,

I have to acknowledge the receipt of the papers relating to the state of the coolies on Bellevue estate, which I have read with attention.

In the absence of that further information which may be expected by the next packet, I do not feel competent to form a decided opinion upon the medical treatment of the patients; but I understand, from a gentleman who has recently arrived from the colony, and who was there during the investigation of the 9th March, that Dr. Nimmo complains of the evil effects of an order issued by the late Governor, Sir J.C. Smith, declaring that, according to the construction of the Abolition Act, neither the manager nor the medical attendant on an estate were at liberty to confine the sick to the wards of the hospital. The consequences of this are stated to be the absence of everything like hospital regulations, and great difficulty in inducing the sick to follow out any regular course of treatment, either in point of medicine, food, or regimen; and, if this be so, I am glad to learn that the poor people have been removed to the public hospital in George Town, where, I presume, they will be subject to proper hospital regulations. I have learnt farther, from the same gentleman, that the assault of which I regret to find Dr. Nimmo guilty, arose from this state of things: I am told that, upon visiting the estate, he met one of the patients to whose sores he had applied a certain dressing. Upon examining him he found that not only had he left the hospital in disregard of his advice, but he had removed the medical dressing, and had applied one of his own. In his irritation Dr. Nimmo, very improperly, no doubt, struck him a single blow with his riding cane, and desired him to go back to the hospital, and have his wound properly dressed.

With respect to the more serious assaults by the interpreter, I regret both that this should have happened, and that the necessity for his services should have saved the individual from part of the punishment awarded to him; but I cannot omit to observe, with reference to the memorandum dated 14th May 1839, and signed H.E.F. Young, that the declaration of the interpreter there referred to was made by him in a private examination, when anxious to bring forward everything that might extenuate his offence, and justify his release from confinement; that he was wholly silent upon this point when confronted with Mr. Russell on his trial; and that upon the trial his want of veracity was proved by his denial of having confessed to Mr. Russell that he had beaten the coolie. When I oppose to this declaration, so made by the interpreter, the denial upon oath, by Mr. Russell, of his having ever authorized him to beat the coolies, I cannot consider the interpreter entitled to much credit.

With respect to any suspicion which may exist of want of care on the part of the manager, it should not be forgotten that the extreme jealousy exercised against everything like restraint or coercion of the people, by the manager of an estate, would render it difficult, or rather impossible, for him to enforce that cleanliness and early attention to the extraction of the chigoes, which, if it had been adopted, would have prevented the bad sores, with which so many of the coolies have been unhappily afflicted.

I take the liberty to enclose extracts from my letters to my agent, containing the instructions which I have from time to time given regarding the coolies. If you will be kind enough to take the trouble to read them, I hope you will consider that I have not been deficient in taking precautionary measures for their proper care and comfort; though I sincerely lament the extent of the mortality and sickness, from whatever causes they may prove, upon a minute and careful investigation, to have arisen.

I have, &c.
(signed) A. Colvile.

SOURCE: Parliamentary Papers, XXXIX, NO. 463, 1839. MF42.266-67

Appendix 6

Chartists and Abolitionists

This reference from Colvile refers to the Chartist movement which demanded universal male suffrage, ballot voting, annual parliaments and equal representation, and an end to property requirements for members of Parliament. In 1838, with the publication of the People's Charter, this movement had considerable strength among the working class throughout Great Britain. The connection between chartists and abolitionists varied between antagonism and support. On occasion, chartists had disrupted anti-slavery meetings to bring awareness to their issues. Anti-slavery movements were seen to be strongest among the middle class, and chartists voiced the opinion that the abolitionists cared more for the black slave than the working poor in Britain. However, while some antagonism existed, both movements shared a similar philosophy, and both causes shared members. For instance, Joseph Sturge, one of the founders of the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society, was also involved with the Chartist movement.

Appendix 7

Sir John Cam Hobhouse

Lord Broughton served as president of the board of control for India from 1835 to 1841 and again from 1846 to 1852. During the early establishment of the indenture system Sir Hobhouse was not opposed to the scheme, and had replied to Gladestone that the Indian Government would not interfere with his plans.
Lord John Russell

A member of the Whig party, John Russell had become head of the Colonial Office in September 1839 from Lord Normanby. He believed that while the export of labour to British Guiana had been a failure, sufficiently stringent regulations should protect Indians going to Mauritius under a one year contract of indenture. This belief was based on the opinion that coolies travelling to Mauritius would receive higher wages and better conditions than what were available in India.